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In recent years, there has been a dearth of literature documenting a relationship between oldfashioned racism and the vote for a racially conservative candidate or White opposition to various racial policies. In fact, a number of scholars have argued that a newracism has supplanted the old-fashioned racism. Analysis of a survey of college students in the state of Mississippi reveals that old-fashioned racism provides the strongest explanation of White support for the Mississippi state flag. These findings are startling given the educational levels of the respondents.

This paper examines three competing hypotheses: racial threat, social contact, & racial resentment. Using individual- & aggregate-level data, these three hypotheses are tested by examining white racial attitudes, & a variety of contextual variables, on the prospective vote for a white racially conservative candidate. The evidence provides support for all three of these hypotheses. Racial threat is found to be conditioned by the black population density & the resentment that whites direct toward African Americans. The probability that a white person will support a racially conservative candidate does not depend solely on the black population. Indeed, it is reported here that racially sympathetic whites, who live in areas with high black population densities are highly unlikely to support a racially conservative candidate, providing support for the social contact hypothesis. On the other hand, whites living in the same context, but who express resentment toward African Americans, are almost certain to support the racially conservative candidate. These findings point to an innovative approach to examining the racial threat hypothesis. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 3 Appendixes, 57 References. Adapted from the source document.

This analysis marks the first time that the black threat thesis posited in 1949 by V. O. Key, Jr. has been examined by employing a black versus white head‐to‐head election. This study tests the black threat thesis in the 1995 Louisiana gubernatorial runoff election. The unit of analysis is the parish (same as county) and the primary data sources used in this analysis include election returns by parish, turnout data by race by parish and demographic and socio‐economic variables for parishes taken from the United States Census. The findings are consistent with Key's black threat hypothesis. White support for the racially conservative white candidate is positively and significantly associated with the level of black density.

Examines relationship of White support for the racially conservative White candidate to the level of Black density; based on election returns by parish, turnout data by race by parish, and demographic and socioeconomic variables for parishes.

ObjectiveThis research employs the phenotypic prototypicality framework to makes a connection between African‐American voters' perceptions of African‐American women candidates' appearances and candidate evaluations in contests with limited information. The primary focus is on the candidates' skin tone and hair texture.MethodsThe data consist of a convenience sample of 672 African‐American students from a Historically Black University in the Deep South. An experimental research design was employed to test whether African‐American candidates who possessed phenotypes that mirrored the prototypical African American were perceived differently when compared to those with more Eurocentric features. Each subject was randomly exposed to a stimulus that consisted of a brief campaign platform and an image of a light or dark woman donning either straight hair, twist outs or dreadlocks. Those subjects in the control group were exposed to an image of a dark male with short hair.ResultsAfrican‐American students found the dark candidates to be more attractive when compared to their lighter counterparts, regardless of hairstyles. Candidates who possessed the prototypical Afrocentric appearance (i.e., dark skin and/or textured hair) were found to be more supportive of Historically Black Colleges and Universities, progressive policies and were perceived to be more hardworking, when compared to their lighter counterparts. Light‐skinned women, regardless of hairstyles, were perceived to be less supportive of Black Nationalist views.ConclusionThe findings here run counter to the conventional wisdom associated with colorism, whereby African Americans have been deemed to possess self‐hatred by possessing a more positive bias toward women with a lighter hue and straight hair. In recent years, due to such events as police shootings of unarmed African‐Americans and the Black Lives Matter movement, Black Millennials have become more aware of the oppression and discrimination faced by many African Americans. This heightened level of consciousness, in tandem with the fact that they were born during an era when natural hairstyles were being popularized, has led them to embrace the aesthetic revolution that includes appreciating their melanated skin and kinky hair.